Politics and poverty in Managua 35 years after the earthquake
Thirty-five years ago an earthquake measuring 6.5 on the Richter scale devastated Nicaragua’s capital city, Managua. The earthquake proved to be the beginning of the end of the Somoza dynasty, as the aid money that flowed into the country made its way primarily into Somoza’s pockets. Nicaragua’s middle class, which had long turned a blind eye to the dictators’ sticky fingers, could not ignore the economic opportunism Somoza showed following the disaster, as their homes and livelihoods lay in ruins.
As William Grigsby Vado described in the University of Central America’s political magazine envío, “The earthquake changed the structure of society. It destroyed the country’s political and economic hub, killing 12-15,000 of the 150,000 people who lived in Managua at the time. The dictatorship had managed to consolidate itself up to that moment, but after the earthquake everything started to change. People in Nicaragua talk more about ‘before and after the earthquake’ than ‘before and after the revolution.’”1
After the earthquake
Managua, “after the earthquake,” has reflected the opportunity lost in the empty rhetoric of leaders from Somoza to the second coming of Daniel Ortega. According to Florence Babb, despite the best intentions of the post-revolutionary government, “The Sandinistas had been determined to make basic resources available to the broad population in Nicaragua and, later, to defend the revolution. Urban renewal was not a priority, but efforts were made to transform cities through popular culture, most dramatically through the painting of colorful murals in Managua and elsewhere.”2
As Nicaragua became mired in one of the most visible proxy wars of the Cold War, it is clear why the government’s priorities did not include clearing the rubble and ruin of the 1972 earthquake. Yet, in the years following the signing of the peace accords, Managua has experienced more of the same cosmetic patches with few improvements to infrastructure.
Whether looking at the depressing grey concrete and empty fountain of the Chamorro administration’s Peace Park, the Presidential Palace and fountain placed in what had previously been the Plaza of the Revolution in the Alemán years, or the subsequent destruction of that fountain by current President Daniel Ortega, these cosmetic changes (and political squabbles, in the case of the fountain) fail to hide the root of Managua’s problems: poverty.
The lyrics of Luis Enrique Mejia Godoy’s famous song Pobre La Maria still ring true. Poor women still come to Managua, believing it to be the best place to escape poverty, only to wind up in the sweatshops of the “free trade” zones or, as described in the song, turning to prostitution. Meanwhile, the “fictional” Maria’s children are still cleaning cars at busy intersections, selling water in plastic bags, and eating very little.
The politics of Managua today
It may be too early in his presidency to criticize Daniel Ortega for his rhetorical commitment to, but relative inaction on, addressing Managua’s deprivation. While the small-scale $2.2 million “Zero Usury” credit program has begun offering subsidized loans to Managua market vendors, Ortega also seems bent on continuing the petty trend of undoing the cosmetic symbols left in place from previous presidential administrations. Since the elections in 1990, it has been common practice by the ruling party to attempt to eliminate the symbolism left by its opposing political predecessors.
In June, Ortega ordered the destruction of the million-dollar fountain put in place by his right-wing “adversary” former President Arnoldo Alemán. This political “defiance” of right-wing politics fools only those whose political loyalty blinds them to the pact between Ortega and Alemán -- a “you scratch my back, I’ll scratch yours” policy that embodies populism and closed-door handshaking at their finest. One of Ortega’s first moves as President was to commute Alemán’s sentence for stealing $58.2 million from the treasury from house arrest to “country” arrest. While the destruction of the fountain was meant to be a slap in the face of the political right, freeing the thief who built it hardly shows a commitment to the poor.
Making progress in Managua even more problematic is the “he said, she said” telenovela going on between Sandinista mayor Dionisio Marenco and Ortega’s wife, and government spokesperson, Rosario Murillo. Marenco was not pleased about the destruction of the fountain, an act carried out by the national government and not the city itself. Since then, he has been openly vocal in opposing the governing style of the administration, for which he blames Murillo, not Ortega.
In mid-November, the situation came to a head when Murillo called a meeting of the Frente Sandinista prior to the vice-mayoral elections in Managua. Murillo advised attendees to vote for Edgardo Cuarezma, not Felipe Neri Leiva Orochena, whom Marenco supported. In this meeting, Murillo is quoted as calling Marenco a “traitor.” In response, Marenco accused the administration of working like “gangsters.” Marenco also claims that just hours before the election, “Two people arrived at the Orochena house and threatened his wife and young daughter. The ‘visitors’ followed the girl to her school and told her they know where she lives.”3
Despite Murillo’s efforts, Cuarezma lost, due largely to the fact that the two liberal (which means right-wing in Nicaragua) parties voted for Orochena. This prompted Cuarezma to declare that Marenco is the mayor of the Liberal Party.4 Marenco vehemently denies Cuarezma’s accusation stating, “From the bottom of my heart, I reject these words [i.e., traitor]. I am a Sandinista until the day I die, or until the day they kill me.”5
Managua’s identity
In a 1995 article in the New York Times, Alemán said, “I want to restore the identity of this city... we must give this city back its pride and vanity.”6 Government after government has proven that they want to improve the vanity of the city but have done little to provide much-needed support to the 80% of the population living on less than $2 a day. Today, much as in the days of the Somoza dynasty, “The wealthy venture out to urban locations designed for their convenience, then drive home to safe zones at a comfortable distance from sites of obvious misery.”7
Just as Hurricane Katrina shone a bright light on the inequality and injustice prevalent in the richest country in the world, one simply needs to visit the squatter settlements surrounding the “old downtown” in Managua to feel the continued tremors of the ‘72 quake. The heart of the “new downtown” consists of an all-American creation -- a shopping mall. Meanwhile, FSLN infighting may have captured the country’s attention, but it has only further stagnated the city’s progress. Managua’s “vanity” is indeed different, but it is still without its pride.
However, it is precisely where governments fail that we, as committed individuals, can bring about positive changes. The fortitude of Managua’s -- and all of Nicaragua’s -- working poor provides a wealth of opportunity waiting to be realized. WCCN has always been committed to fostering equitable relationships between North and South. A welcome result of our relationship with our Nicaraguan counterparts has been the opening of doors which had previously been closed to the poor. This has never been as important as it is today.
When Alemán spoke of restoring the identity of Managua, he was referring to its appearance. We believe Managua’s identity lies not in its appearance, but in the character and strength of its people. We are committed to helping the people reclaim Managua’s identity and will leave the cosmetic manipulations of the city to the government.
References
1 Grigsby Vado, William, “You Can’t Organize People and Raise Consciousness by Decree,” envío, September 2007.
2 Babb, Florence (2001) “Managua is Nicaragua,” After Revolution: Mapping Gender and Cultural Politics in Neoliberal Nicaragua, p. 53.
3 Barberena, Edgard, “Cobardes, mafiosos”, El Nuevo Diario, November 10, 2007.
4 Perez Rivera, Anne and Uriate, Maria Jose “Marenco derrota a Daniel Ortega”, La Prensa, November 9, 2007.
5 Ibid.
6 Rohter, Larry, “Managua Journal; A Mayor Hopes a Fountain Turns Into a Landslide”, The New York Times, August 18, 1995.
7 Babb, p. 67.